英語板対応スレ@Wiki 慰安婦

メニュー

資料Links

行動

記事スクラップ





意見要望



html plugin Error : このプラグインを使うにはこのページの編集権限を「管理者のみ」に設定してください。


※上記の広告は60日以上更新のないWIKIに表示されています。更新することで広告が下部へ移動します。

The Netherlands: Looking for a Few Good Prostitutes

Sign In to E-Mail This Print Reprints Save
By REUTERS
Published: October 24, 2006
Mayor Annemarie Jorritsma-Lebbink of Almere said on Dutch television
that she backed the idea of sending prostitutes to accompany Dutch troops on foreign missions.
“The army must consider ways its soldiers can let off steam,” she said.
The Netherlands has more than 2,000 soldiers serving abroad, mostly in Afghanistan.
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/24/world/europe/24briefs-007.html

米軍による、イタリア人慰安婦の性病検診


昭和18年(1943年)の夏、
米英軍が協同作戦によりイタリアのシシリー島を占領すると、
それまでドイツ・イタリア軍が運営していた慰安所を、
今度は両軍が女性もろとも引き継いで運営し、
軍医が性病の検診に当たり憲兵が監督に当たりました


慰安婦関連の英文資料



ペンタゴンも黙認して…

ベトナム戦争中の米軍慰安所については、スーザン・ブラウンミラー(米人女性ジャーナリスト)の『Against Our Will』(1975年)に詳細なルポがある。


The significance of the amalgamation of violence and masculinity in cultural conceptions is also revealed
by the reports on gang rapes committed by American soldiers in Vietnam. It became known that inflicting
additional cruelty on the victim had been seen as a kind of virility contest. A few of these crimes were
reported by soldiers who had been present, but had not participated in the rapes or sexual tortures.
Before the court martial the rapists typically questioned the masculinity of the man who had reported
the incident or called him a sissy or a weakling (cf. Brownmiller 1978:105f).

沖縄では
For more than fifty years now, women and children have lived under the threat of violence.
The rape of an Okinawan schoolgirl in September 1995 by three U.S. Marines brought renewed strength to
the anti-base movement. Unfortunately, however, this was by no means the first such incident
in the 50 years of occupation.
The most savage was the rape-murder, on September 3, 1955, of a six-year old girl named Yumiko,
whose body was thrown into the sea by the U.S. officer who raped and killed her. In September 1949,
a nine-month old baby girl was sexually assaulted by an American soldier. Over the past 25 years,
police records indicate that 4,700 crimes have been committed by American soldiers,
110 of them sexual assaults. Of these crimes, 90% have been committed by Marines.
These figures may also be grossly understated, as one psychiatrist who has worked with rape victims
reports that it is typical for only one out of 20 or 30 victims to file a report.
Okinawa is the only site outside of the United States with such large numbers of Marines.
Many of them are in their teens and twenties, and are living abroad for the first time.
There are many difficulties involved in this transition, and they are manifested in the high crime statistics.
http://www.coara.or.jp/~yufukiri/n-saisyuE.html


U.S. demands for a Japanese accountability draw accusations

that America is throwing stones from a glass house.
Although the U.S. Congress passed the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 apologizing for World War II internment of Japanese Americans,
Washington has resisted saying sorry for its own history of slavery.
The United States is not alone in its reluctance: British Prime Minister Tony Blair,
in a November 2006 article for one of England's leading black newspapers New Nation, called the transatlantic slave trade “profoundly shameful”
and acknowledged his country's role in the triangular trade between Africa and the Americas.
But Blair fell short of apologizing, prompting a recent march calling for an apology on the bicentennial of Britain's slavery ban (Independent).
The issue of official apologies can be a costly one.
The U.S. act apologizing for internment camps offered each internee approximately $20,000 in compensation,
setting aside $1.2 billion overall.
Blair's decision to share remorse rather than explicitly apologize serves to avoid lawsuits and reparations for Britain's role in the slave trade.
Virginia, which in February became the first U.S. state to pass a resolution expressing regret for past support of slavery,
failed to deliver an outright apology (USA Today) over fears that doing so would have opened the door to reparation demands.
Japan also has avoided state-sponsored compensation to the former sex slaves.
In a Wall Street Journal Op-Ed, CFR's Noah Feldman and Harvard Law School's Jeannie Suk explain
that Abe's denial results in “ongoing harm” because it prevents official reparations to victims.
Japan created a private fund, which expires this month, to compensate former sex slaves as a means to avoid offering official reparation.
Few of the former comfort women chose to access the funds.
http://www.cfr.org/publication/12843/burden_of_saying_sorry.html?breadcrumb=%2F

Japan has atoned for transgressions

March 11, 2007
Re "The shame Japan can't dodge," Opinion, March 6
KAZUO KODAMA Consul General of Japan in Los Angeles

Let me set the record straight.

In 1993, the government of Japan acknowledged the involvement of former Japanese military authorities in the "comfort women" issue
and expressed apologies and remorse to those who endured immeasurable pain and incurable wounds.

In 1995, the Asian Women's Fund, which extended payments to women as a form of atonement and implemented medical and welfare projects,
was established with the cooperation of the government and the Japanese people.

Since then, payments have been accompanied by letters from prime ministers saying:
"We must not evade the weight of the past, nor should we evade our responsibilities for the future.
I believe that our country, painfully aware of its moral responsibilities, with feelings of apology and remorse,
should face up squarely to its past history and accurately convey it to future generations."

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe stated that there has been no change in the position of the government of Japan.




American Military-Base Prostitution

the use of Rest & Recreation sites, i.e., government-funded brothels, by the American GIs
as been in full-fledge use since the Korean War. The rationale for this blatant mistreatment
of women is that it creates a necessary sense of brotherhood and camaraderie among the soldiers.

There are many explanations as to why women became military-base prostitutes during
the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Philippine occupation, but the most frequent
reasons are attributable to either socioeconomic status or government exploitation.
For the most part, the "foreign invasion of a nation was understood as a threat to gendered
in this case, female --bodies, which led to closer surveillance of the women and their
sexuality."[3] Some women used prostitution as a means to escape poverty, especially
during the Korean War. Korean women were offered money by the government to serve the U.S. military.

(Korean women were offered mony by their government to serve the US. military.)
tp://www.wm.edu/so/monitor/spring2000/paper6.htm


3.1 History of Sex Tourism in Manila


How has Sex Tourism developed in Asia?
In this chapter Manila is chosen and investigated as a typical example.
In 1965 the Vietnamese War broke out.
The U.S. Armed Forces had been stationed in Asian allies.
The Base in Manila was one of the most important bases and a lot of GIs gathered there.

Then the U.S. Armed Forces developed the R&Rpolicy.
It was to comfort soldiers exhausted on the battlefield and it, of course, included sexual comfort.
That is why brothels grew in Manila.
After the Vietnamese War ended, the numbers of soldiers stationed at the base in Manila decreased
and the brothels lost their main customers. Thus tourists took the place of GIs as customers in the brothels.
http://www.mskj.or.jp/getsurei/shimakawa0001.html

asking for more, more, more.


think there is more than enough credible documentation to convince any reasonable person that Japan did indeed press many women into sexual service against their will.

Some have pointed to what is allegedly an advertisement in a colonial era Korean newspaper advertising for “comfort women” (or perhaps more correctly translated as “comfort wives”),
and that, “people most likely knew what the job generally entailed.” The implication that everyone was sort of in the know.
No doubt some did know very well, but how many didn’t?
Large numbers of girls and women took what they thought were other jobs but were forced into sexual slavery ? yes, it was slavery.
The implicit denials from that side of the argument will continue to stoke the fires.

It should also be noted that probably any apology Japan does make will not be good enough.
Koreans have a pretty good track record of taking apologies and asking for more, more, more.
Perhaps if Abe went to Korea and committed ritual suicide at Seoul City Hall on live TV,
Koreans may consider that a “sincere” apology. Maybe.


The Truth about the Question of “Comfort Women”




Part 1
http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0498380/board/thread/68733092?d=68749382#68749382
US used the same prostitutes during the Korean War

tp://www.wm.edu/so/monitor/spring2000/paper6.htm

American Military-Base Prostitution --
the use of Rest & Recreation sites, i.e., government-funded brothels, by the American GIs
has been in full-fledge use since the Korean War. The rationale for this blatant mistreatment
of women is that it creates a necessary sense of brotherhood and camaraderie among the soldiers.

There are many explanations as to why women became military-base prostitutes during
the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and the Philippine occupation, but the most frequent
reasons are attributable to either socioeconomic status or government exploitation.
For the most part, the "foreign invasion of a nation was understood as a threat to gendered
in this case, female --bodies, which led to closer surveillance of the women and their
sexuality."[3] Some women used prostitution as a means to escape poverty, especially
during the Korean War. Korean women were offered money by the government to serve
the U.S. military.

(Korean women were offered mony by their government to serve the US. military.)

Part II
tp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prostitution_in_South_Korea

Prostitution during the Korean War --
With the end of the Japanese occupation in 1945, prostitution was made illegal
by the governing United States authority, and the law was re-confirmed by the new
South Korean parliament in 1948. Nevertheless, prostitution flourished in the next
decades as the law was not treated seriously; it continued in much the same
basic forms as it had before, though with US soldiers replacing Japanese as the
foreign military customers. The Korean War saw the rise of prostitution centers
in the Jongno-3-ga area, Mia-ri, and Cheongnyangni 588, which was the last stop
for many Korean soldiers before the front lines.

Korea's sex industry Now
Prostitution in South Korea is a large illegal industry. The Ministry of Gender and
Family Equality estimated that it comprises over 4% of South Korea's GDP, with
revenue exceeding $22 billion[1][2]. Prostitution ranges from streetwalkers in red light
districts to expensive "room salons" for private parties[3]. Out of a total population of
about 48 million, there are 1.2 million women engaged in the sex industry [4], according
to one civic organization. Official government estimates put the figure closer to 500,000.[5]
The government stopped keeping official figures in 2004. South Korea is also a source,
destination, and transit country for human trafficking; a significant number of women
from Uzbekistan and Southeast Asia

So reading all these articles, Koreans do prostitution business no matter prostitution
became illegal and even after the society became rich enough to eat. There are many
job oppotunities for women now but it is still a big business for the Koreans.

Japanese military did not need to kidnap them and force them to do prostitution during
the WWII like the Koreans say. Because there were many women willing to do prostitution
for a big easy money that time. It was legal that time. Social status was low but it was
one occupation for women who did not have much job oppotunities during that period.
(Think about the demand and the supply and making the risk of illegal act of kidnapping.
Supply was huge because there was no legal barrier to do it. By the way prostitution
is still legal in some countries in Europe now.)

Now in 21st century I hear many news about the Korean prostitutes in the U.S. Are they
forced to do prostitution by the Americans? Maybe some of these women are victims
of human trafficking but US government is not responsible for these women. The brothel
owners and syndicates should be responsible for human traffick victims. However, maybe
some of them will argue US government is responsible and ask for compensation decades
later (for the Korean war too), if they found they can make a big money by saying so.





CNN:
http://edition.cnn.com/2007/WORLD/asiapcf/03/03/japan.sexslaves.ap/
Lee Yong-soo, 78, a South Korean who was interviewed during a recent trip to Tokyo,
said she was 14 when Japanese soldiers took her from her home in 1944 to work
as a sex slave in Taiwan.

U.S. House of Representatives:
http://www.internationalrelations.house.gov/110/lee021507.htm
In the autumn of 1944, when I was 16 years old, my friend, Kim Punsun, and I were
collecting shellfish at the riverside when we noticed an elderly man and a Japanese man
looking down at us form the hillside......
A few days later, Punsun knocked on my window early in the morning,
and whispered to me to follow her quietly. I tip-toed out of the house after her.


Kim Koon Ja
House Committee on Foreign Affairs
http://foreignaffairs.house.gov/110/kim021507.htm
It was March of 1942, and I was 16 years old. I had been sent out of the house
by police officer Choi and told that I needed to go and make some money.
I found a Korean man wearing a military uniform and he told me that he would send me
on an errand and I would be paid for this errand.
私は警官のChoiに家を出てお金を稼がなくてはならないと言われました。軍服を着た朝鮮人は
私をお使いに送って、賃金が支払われるだろうと言いました。

EAS Forum
http://www.expat-advisory.com/seoul/articles-korean-comfort-women-seoul.php
When war broke out, many Koreans were marrying quickly so not be drafted by Japanese
forces. At 17, she also planned to marry her boyfriend, but his parents objected because
they could not overcome her background. Not being married, she was unwillingly drafted
by Japan as a sex slave and was forced to China.
戦争が始まると多くの朝鮮人は日本軍に招集されないようにすぐに結婚しました。17歳のとき
彼女はボーイフレンドと結婚しようとしましたが、彼女の背景が問題になり彼の両親に反対され
ました。結婚していなかったので、彼女は不本意ながら日本に性奴隷として招集され、中国に
連行されました。


Sex Slave Culture


Korean Pride. Korean Power. Especially at a place like Stanford, these phrases tend to be greeted with questioning glances. Even for those more familiar with the gang affiliations which these phrases represent, the images invoked tend to be of a rather harmless nature; baggy clothes, ghetto talk, and lowered Hondas with skyscraper spoilers and oversized mufflers. At its most extreme, Korean gangs are seen by some as being involved in the occasional fight involving fists, knives, or the more infrequently imagined gun. These stereotypes alone seem hard to swallow for a vast number of Koreans, especially when confronted with gang-affiliated children or friends. Unfortunately, they are also stereotypes that, in many respects, prove in many ways to be grossly tame and naive.

Ask Mu Yung Shin,* presently a prostitute at a Korean massage parlor in Dallas. Abducted at the age of 14 from her village home in South Korea by a group of Korean criminals, she was repeatedly raped, then sent to one of the infamous "sex farms" used by the South Korean army, where she was made a sex slave for two years. In the early nineties she was moved to the US legally through a sham marriage with an American GI and has served ever since as a Korean massage parlor prostitute in various locales stretching from Chicago and Houston to New York City.1

Mu Yung Shin is just one of several thousand Korean women abducted, raped, and virtually enslaved by the multimillion-dollar international prostitution network run by the Korean Killers, or KK. Korean Killers, and other major Korean gangs is the US such as Korean Power, based in New York, deal not only in prostitution, but in drug trafficking, extortion, and firebombings, mostly directed against the Korean community.

Take Tae Sook Lee,* a longtime member of the Korean Killers based in Los Angeles' Koreatown. With two accomplices, called his "enforcers," Tae would visit Korean businesses in the area, mostly car dealerships, and demand payments of money ranging from $30,000 to $50,000. If threats and intimidation failed to net him the money, arson would result. According to Ray Futami, a detective with the LAPD, "If they [Korean business owners] didn't pay, Tae would send in his boys, his enforcers, and they would burn cars and dealerships." Tae was finally apprehended in 1989 through information gained in the shooting death of Ha-Seung Lee, a sort of Koreatown "Godfather." In an ironic, and ultimately saddening twist, it was discovered Tae's parents themselves are the owners of several businesses in the Koreatown area.2

In 1993, five members of New York's Korean Power gang were arrested on charges of extortion from at least 100 Korean small businesses, using threats of physical pain or firebombings to keep their victims silent and obedient. These were not the actions of hardened criminals, but of Korean youths ranging in age from 16 to 23.3 Neither were these crimes rare aberrations. From Los Angeles to New York, prostitution and extortion are practiced on a daily basis by Koreans against Koreans.

Asking the question of "why" is in many ways a fruitless exercise; every community has its share of gang problems, and none have managed to fully understand, much less contain such actions. But a much more pressing question is reflected in the ignorance, skepticism, and silence that seem to be the stock response of the Korean community to the actions of Korean gangs. Why do so few Koreans hear or know of the problems, and why do fewer still choose to speak out about them?

The seeming inability of the Korean community to properly face up to its gang problems has had many damaging repercussions. Not only has it left multiple police investigations languishing due to lack of support and cooperation from the victims of these crimes, but it has created a culture of ignorance and denial within the community as a whole. When Korean-language media fails to report such stories, it only bolsters the individual Korean's vehement denials that the problems exist. When parents see children with cigarette burn scars on their arms and "Korean Pride" (another moniker used by multiple localized Korean gangs) caps atop their heads and fail to realize the full extent of the implications, it bespeaks of a breakdown in the idea of community. It has sacrificed the idea of honest, sometimes painful communication for the false salve of unqualified support. These attempts to provide support for the community's individual members, especially its children, have gone too far when, in doing so, they chose to ignore, and by turn exacerbate, gang problems which cannot simply be wished away.

Jump now to Washington D.C., where in a span of 18 months from 1985 to 1986 eleven Korean businesses were mysteriously firebombed. Though the investigation, handled by both local and federal authorities, first focused on tensions between Washington's Black and Korean communities, patterns and circumstances similar to Korean against Korean firebombings in Los Angeles and New York led investigators to suspect the work of a local Korean gang styling itself in the image of the better known KK and Korean Power gangs. Though the police had no firm evidence pointing to any specific Korean gang activity, several signs existed. All the businesses were Korean. The firebombings were all of a more threatening rather than destructive intent, unlike the heavy damage that would be more likely in racially motivated bombings. Except for the Korea Times building, the other businesses had no tell-tale outward signs of being Korean-owned. At the least, such evidence pointed to broadening the investigation to include the possibility of Korean gang activity. What investigators did not quite count on was the utter lack of cooperation given by the Korean community. One Korean business owner whose store was firebombed insisted that Koreans were "absolutely not" responsible for the firebombings and that any theories to the contrary were "without substance." The treasurer of the local Korean Businessman's Association was even more strident in his denial, saying that "there is no possibility, not even one percent" that Korean gangs might have anything to do with the string of firebombings. He insisted that the bombing resulted from "hostility against Koreans...Whenever I join some Black community meeting, I can feel some hostility exists there." 4

The Washington firebombings were not a case of casting guilt upon Korean gangs without firm evidence, as the forceful tone of the Korean response might suggest. The defensive nature of the Washington Korean community's reaction in not allowing even the slightest possibility of Korean gang involvement, indeed insisting that no Korean gangs existed at all in the Washington area, amply illustrates the dysfunctionality with which the Korean community has dealt with these issues. When the community cannot even ponder the idea that the firebombings were Korean in origin, even in the face of multiple similar incidents in Los Angeles and New York, there is more than a lack of communication or knowledge involved.

The Korean community has often been proven guilty of reverting to attitudes of programmed ignorance and instantaneous denial in the face of issues and events which have the power to reflect negatively on Koreans. An extreme form of the community's own extreme and unjustified sense of "Korean Pride," this knee-jerk tendency to react with unrationalized and vociferous denial in the face of issues which could lead to some sense of "communal shame" has unwittingly caused heavy damage to the community as a whole. The desire for Koreans to want to focus only on the academic and social achievements of their children while turning a blind eye to a thriving criminal counterculture has served as a major factor in the growth of Korean gang activity in the recent years. Without acknowledgment, the Korean gang problem can only get worse, and the Korean community will continue to be victim to its own suspension of reality.


Modern-Day Comfort Women





3.1 History of Sex Tourism in Manila

How has Sex Tourism developed in Asia?
In this chapter Manila is chosen and investigated as a typical example.
In 1965 the Vietnamese War broke out.
The U.S. Armed Forces had been stationed in Asian allies.
The Base in Manila was one of the most important bases and a lot of GIs gathered there.

Then the U.S. Armed Forces developed the R&Rpolicy.
It was to comfort soldiers exhausted on the battlefield and it, of course, included sexual comfort.
That is why brothels grew in Manila.
After the Vietnamese War ended, the numbers of soldiers stationed at the base in Manila decreased
and the brothels lost their main customers. Thus tourists took the place of GIs as customers in the brothels.

aljazeera BBS


慰安婦関連のみのブログ(英語)


日本語資料

国立公文書館アジア歴史資料センター
ttp://www.jacar.go.jp/

レファレンスコード:C04120263400
「軍慰安所従業婦等募集に関する件」より
http://photoimg.enjoyjapan.naver.com/view/47/43/enjoyjapan_13/47000/46964.jpg
陸軍省副官通牒、「軍慰安所従業婦等募集に関する件」

「支那事変地ニ於ケル慰安所設置ノ為、内地ニ於テ之カ従業婦等ヲ募集スルニ当リ故ラニ
軍部諒解等ノ名儀ヲ利用シ為ニ軍ノ威信ヲ傷ツケ且ツ一般民ノ誤解ヲ招ク虞アルモノ或イハ
従軍記者、慰問者等ヲ介シテ不統制ニ募集シ社会問題ヲ惹起スル虞アルモノ或イハ募集ニ
任スル者ノ人選適切ヲ欠キ為ニ募集ノ方法、誘拐ニ類シ警察当局ニ検挙取調ヲ受クルモノアル等
注意ヲ要スルモノ少カラサルニ就テハ将来是等ノ募集等ニ当リテハ派遣軍ニ於テ統制シ之ニ
任スル人物ノ選定ヲ周到適切ニシ其実施ニ当リテハ関係地方ノ憲兵及警察当局トノ連繋ヲ密ニシ、
以テ軍ノ威信保持上並ニ社会問題上遺漏ナキ様配慮相成度依命通牒ス

陸支密第745号 昭和拾参年参月四日」

「支那事変地に於ける慰安所設置の為、内地に於て之が従業婦等を募集するに当り、
故(ことさ)らに軍部了解等の名義を利用し、為に軍の威信を傷つけ、
且つ一般民の誤解を招く虞(おそれ)あるもの、或は従軍記者、慰問者等を介して
不統制に募集し社会問題を惹起する虞あるもの、或は募集に任ずる者の人選適切を欠き、
為に募集の方法、誘拐に類し警察当局に検挙取調を受くる者ある等、
注意を要する者少なからざるに就ては、将来是等の募集に当たりては、
関係地方の憲兵及警察当局との連繋を密にし、以て軍の威信保持上、並に社会問題上、
遺漏なき様配慮相成度、依命通牒す。」

要約:日本軍のフリをする悪質な慰安婦斡旋業者を取り締まれ。




従軍慰安婦の真相(陰謀編)
http://resistance333.web.fc2.com/html/comfort_woman3.htm
従軍慰安婦の真相(検証編)
http://resistance333.web.fc2.com/html/comfort_woman2.htm



朝鮮戦争時の韓国軍にも慰安婦制度があったことが23日、
立命館大学(京都市北区)で開かれている「東アジアの平和と人権」国際シンポジウム日本大会(朝日新聞社後援)で明らかにされた。
韓国軍慰安婦について日本で公になったのは初めて。発表した韓国・慶南大客員教授の金貴玉(キム・ギオク)さん(40)=社会学=は「日本軍の慰安婦制度をまねたものではないか」とみている。



【慰安婦問題の経緯3】朝日新聞のスクープ記事(2) 画像は一番下の添付ファイル
  • asahi1-11.jpg
見出し:軍関与は明白 謝罪と補償を
サブ:吉見義明・中央大学教授の話
本文:軍の慰安所が設けられたのは、上海戦から南京戦にかけて強姦事件が相次いだためと言われ、38年に通牒は、これと時期的に符合する。当時、軍の部隊や支隊で慰安婦がどれだけいたかも解る資料で、軍が関与していたことは明々白々。元慰安婦が証言をしている段階で「関与」を否定するのは、恥ずべきだろう。日韓協定で、補償の請求権は無くなったと言うが、国家対国家の補償と個人対個人の補償は違う。」慰安婦に対しては、謝罪はもとより、補償をすべきだと思う。

スレッドで指摘したのと同じく、ここでも「日本政府の嘘を指摘」という形になっているのは当然であるが、もうひとつ注目すべき発言をしている。
それは、「日韓協定で、補償の請求権は無くなったと言うが、国家対国家の補償と個人対個人の補償は違う。慰安婦に対しては、謝罪はもとより、補償をすべきだと思う。」の部分である。

前年12月6日「第一次慰安婦訴訟」が、この宮沢訪韓に合わせ急拵えで始められた。朝日新聞のキャンペーンは、「宮沢訪韓に合わせ、日本に謝罪させることにより、訴訟を支援することが目的だ」と言っているのも同じである。
この吉見教授のコメントは、如実に物語っているのである。

  • asahi1-11b.jpg
1月11日の朝日新聞

(1)「民間任せ」政府見解揺らぐ
(2)多くは朝鮮女性
(3)朝鮮_人限定の支持で未報告-防衛庁防衛研究所図書館の永江太郎資料専門官の話
(4)募集など派遣軍において統制 憲兵・警察との連携密に すみやかに性的慰安の設備を
(5)朝鮮_人慰安婦への軍関与資料「謝罪を」「賠償を」のこえさらに
(6)政府の「無関係」に批判
(7)不十分な調査示す-女性史研究で朝鮮_人慰安婦問題に取り組んでいる鈴木裕子さんの話
(8)軍の関与は明らか-元陸軍少尉で漢口(中国)兵站司令部の慰安係長だった山田清吉さんの話
もう、説明しなくとも十分であろう。

  • asahi1-11c.jpg
韓国へ出発する宮沢総理

さて、ここまで読んで、疑問に思う点である。
朝日新聞は、それまで 親中国、親北朝鮮の記事を多く書いてきたが、韓国に対しては、厳しい紙面構成で知られていた。
これら、キャンペーンを表面的にだけ見ると 一見 韓国を支援しているように見えるのである。
当然ながら、韓国国民もそう考え、以後 朝日新聞は 韓国の反日世論に絶大な支持を受けることになる。しかし、その考えは早計であるのは言うまでも無い。
この、キャンペーンで日本政府がダメージを受けた当然のことであり、それもひとつの目的であったのだが、韓国政府にも大きなショックを与えているのである。

  • asahi1-16.jpg
1月17日の朝日新聞
1月16日金鍾泌与党民自党最高委員は「日本側に道義的な責任があり、何らかの形で補償があるだろう」というコメントを出したが、翌日、日韓会談が始まった後の韓国政府筋の公式コメントでは、慰安婦問題についてなるべく穏便に済ませようとした形跡が見られる。

  • asahi1-16b.jpg
残念なことに、韓国人が、ニュースの裏を読む術を知らないのは 今も昔も変わらない。もちろん この時も 宮沢首相を迎えたソウル市内では、報道に乗せられた市民が、宮沢首相の人形を焼くなど 激しい反日活動が続けられ 韓国政府もそれを宥める程度の迎合したコメントを出すなど、表面的には非難を加え、日本側もこれに応じ宮沢首相の謝罪が繰り返されたのであるが、非公開協議の場では、共同作業にて問題解決が図られたのである。(公式の場である共同会見のときに大統領首席補佐官が韓国人記者団に謝罪の回数まで披露し、勝ち誇った顔をし、「これほどの国際的非礼な会見を見たことが無い」と評される会見が行われた事実もあるが、、、)

さて、なぜ、韓国側は、事態の収拾を図ったのであろうか。
後に朝鮮日報が書いている社説の一文である「日韓国交正常化以来日本は何回も韓国に対して謝罪してきたが、一度も真の謝罪として受け止められたことが無く是正策も一つとして実効を挙げていない・・・・・日本が本当に反省しなければ、補償は意味が無く、日韓関係の摩擦を解消することは出来ない。」と述べているように、韓国側の国民意識としては、まずは、「真の謝罪」その後に「補償」を求める考えが世論の主流だったのである。
朝鮮日報が、「補償は意味が無く」と世論を誘導している状況で、日本政府が直接補償しようとしても受け入れられる余地は無い。
「本当に謝罪」しても、韓国側がそう受け入れる可能性もまず無いとすれば、日本政府は何もせず放置するか、これ以上の事態悪化を避けるため韓国政府に一任する形で「補償」するしかないことになる。
このまま、韓国国内の反日感情が加熱すれば、日本国内の世論もこれを問題視し、日本政府は早期に補償を行う方向となるのは確実で、そして、その補償については、韓国政府に一任することとなるのである。すると、韓国政府は、名のり出た、慰安婦に補償する場合の認定基準に苦慮することとなるのである、。

慰安婦には慰安婦となった経緯により以下の通り区分することが出来る。
(1)身売り型-斡旋者から前借金を受け取った親や親戚から言い含められて慰安婦になった。など
(2)甘言型-斡旋人や友人などからの甘言につられた
(3)斡旋型-面長や巡査などから勧められた。
(4)拉致型-官憲による暴行による連行
(3)と(4)は確実に補償の対象となるであろうが、名のり出た元慰安婦の殆どは(1)か(2)であることは確実で、(1)と(2)を補償対象から外した場合、韓国政府は野党や市民団体から強い批判を受け、政権崩壊につながる恐れが高かった。
逆に(1)と(2)を認めた場合、過去、現在にわたる娼婦や妓生の前歴者まで補償の対象としなくては 法の下の平等に反することとなり、韓国の社会保障制度の根幹を揺るがすこととなるのである。
つまり、ここで事態を収拾しなくては、「日本を非難しているつもりが、いつの間にか、韓国政府側が究極の選択を迫られる状況に追い込まれてしまう」ことに気がついたのである。
事実、後に盧泰愚大統領は「実際は日本の言論の方が、この問題を提起しわが国の国民の反日感情を焚きつけ、国民を憤慨させてしまいました」(文芸春秋93年3月号)と語り、当時、韓国政府もこの問題を惹起させたくなかった胸の内を語っている。
朝日新聞は、冷静になった韓国政府を騙す事は出来なかったが、日韓両国政府を苦しめ、日韓の国民感情を悪化させる事に成功したのである。


  • asahi1-16c.jpg
さらに、補償問題へと発展させようと煽る朝日新聞

もう一つ疑問に思う点がある。
この朝日新聞のトリックは、冷静にニュースを観察する者にとっては、簡単に解き明かされるトリックである。
そして、そのような策は後に批判の対象となり、朝日新聞の社史を汚す結果となるのである。それ程のリスクを負ってまで、朝日新聞が慰安婦裁判を支援する義理は無いのである。

単純に 朝日新聞の「正義」がそうさせたのであろうか?それとも そのリスクを負ってでも 得るものがあったのであろうか?
前者の可能性もあるが、後者の可能性も捨てきれないのである。
もし、後者の理由であった場合、国家権力に匹敵する力で、利益供与が加わったものと考えられる。
この先は、散々資料を探したが、残念ながら、個人では 確証を得る資料を見つけ出すことが出来なかったので、明言は避けたいと思う。

余談だが、元々、親中国、親北朝鮮の新聞であった朝日新聞は、この後さらに中国と急速に親密化し、新華社通信、人民日報と提携を結ぶことに成功。
現在、asahi.comでは、人民日報記事の専用ページまで作っている。http://www.asahi.com/international/jinmin/


資料リンク

【慰安婦】■基礎からわかる「慰安婦問題」(解説)(読売新聞)
http://www29.atwiki.jp/boutarou/pages/31.html

【慰安婦(Ianfu :comfort woman】アメリカの公文書でみる慰安婦の実態
http://www29.atwiki.jp/boutarou/pages/11.html